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UPDATE (Burma): Monks hold government officials as hostages; more protests and arrests around the country

September 6, 2007

UPDATE ON URGENT APPEAL UPDATE ON URGENT APPEAL UPDATE ON URGENT APPEAL

ASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION - URGENT APPEALS PROGRAMME

Update on Urgent Appeal

7 September 2007

[RE: UA-260-2007: BURMA: At least 65 persons reported arrested over protests against fuel prices; UP-114-2007: BURMA: Despite over 100 arrests, protests continue; still no action by UN]
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UP-119-2007: BURMA: Monks hold government officials as hostages; more protests and arrests around the country

BURMA: Arbitrary arrest; denial of right to free expression; poverty; un-rule of law
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NEW WEBPAGE
BURMA: 2007 PROTESTS AGAINST FUEL PRICES
http://campaigns.ahrchk.net/burmaprotests/

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Dear friends,

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has been receiving daily updates on the dramatic protests against mid-August fuel price increases in Burma. On September 6, the protests went to a new level when for the first time the army intervened directly and monks responded by holding officials as hostages. More protests and arrests are reported around the country. Meanwhile, the United Nations and various governments have called for the military government there to release all arrested protesters, but have so far failed to take any further action.

Here we give a short summary of recent events. Please check the news media websites listed in the new webpage at http://campaigns.ahrchk.net/burmaprotests/ for the most recent information.

MONKS TAKE OFFICIALS AS HOSTAGES
Buddhist monks in Pakokku, Magwe Division (inland lower Burma) took 20 government officials hostage in the morning on 6 September 2007, after the military fired warning shots to disperse protesters the day before.

On September 5, about 500 Buddhist monks in Pakokku had protested against the fuel price hikes with banners, and reciting Buddhist scriptures. Soldiers in full uniform fired about 10 to 15 bullets before they dragged the monks away. According to some reports, three monks were tied to an electric pole and were beaten with rifle butts and bludgeons. This is the first time that the military has been directly used to suppress a protest since they began in August (see AHRC AS-197-2007). On other occasions, gangs of government-organised thugs and police and civilian officials in plain clothes have been used (see AS-201-2007), although there are reports that on other occasions, groups of soldiers had been situated nearby. 

On September 6 a group of officials, headed by the secretary of the Magwe Division Peace and Development Council and head of the divisional Department of Religious Affairs went to Mahavithutarama monastery at around 10am to ask the monks not to demonstrate. Shortly after, some monks began throwing rocks at their cars. A standoff continued, and the group was held hostage by the young monks for about another six hours before being released. The officials were let out at the back door, as there was a huge crowd in front of the monastery. The four cars were destroyed.

According to further reports, groups of monks went to at least one house and one shop belonging to members of the Swanar-shin government-organised and mobilised gang, and damaged property as well as writing slogans on the outside. 

The incident has been reported and condemned in the state media; however, only the destruction of the cars is mentioned, not the hostage-taking and other events. It is the third time that the protests have been referred to directly.

This was the second major action by monks: on August 28 some hundreds of monks also marched in Sittwe, Arakan State (see UP-114-2007).

MORE PROTESTS AND ARRESTS
Four arrested after 100 protest march in Bogalay
On September 5, about 1000 people protested and gave speeches in Bogalay, Irrawaddy Division (delta region) against the increase in fuel prices. Four protesters were arrested, including U Aung Khin Boe, U Khin Maung Chit, Daw Khin Lay and Daw Mi Mi Jein, all from the National League for Democracy. They have been held in unknown location by the police, who have reportedly claimed they would be released later.

Over 1000 march and demand the release of two protestors in Taunggok
At least another 1000 people staged a peaceful protest in Taunggok, Arakan State (western coastline), on September 4. The protest was started by 15 members of the NLD. They demanded the release of two protestors, Ko Sithu and Ko Than Lwin, who were arrested on August 31 after waving placards criticizing the government. The two men were released the next day.

Seven arrested after Laputta protests
Seven persons were arrested after about another 1000 people protested in Laputta, Irrawaddy Division on September 3. Those arrested include three protest leaders and four activists, namely Ko Aung Moe Win, Ko Kyi Than and Ko Htay, Ko Pauksa,  Ko Pho Cho, Ko Muang Kyaw and Ko Hla Soe. They are believed to be separately detained at the Bayin Naung government guest house.

Solo protester in Buthitaung
At 10 am on September 2, 30-year-old protester Ko Ye Thein held up placard demanding a reduction of commodity prices at the pier in Buthitaung, Arakan State. About 300 onlookers applauded him. The solo protest was stopped by about 20 police, who ripped up and trampled the placard, and he was taken away. Security has been tightened after the protest.

Solo protester released in Bassein
U Aye Win, a solo protester arrested after a demonstration in Bassein, Irrawaddy Division on August 24, was released on August 30. U Aye Win said he had been questioned at the township peace and development council office by local authorities and special branch police (see further, The right to provoke, at UPI Asia Online).

Protesters march in Kyaukpadaung
About 25 protesters marched on the morning of August 30 and demanded the release of political prisoners and lowering of prices in Kyaukpadaung, Mandalay Division (upper Burma). Local officials arrived on motorcycle and followed the protesters. Members of the quasi-government Union Solidarity and Development Association and government-organised gangs tried to stop the demonstration but they were jeered by bystanders.

GOVERNMENT RESPONSE
Government orders civil servants to beware
The AHRC has received information that an emergency meeting headed by Senior General Than Shwe, the head of state, was held in the new capital on the morning of September 3. After the meeting, a notification was sent to all military and departmental heads throughout the country instructing them to call meetings and verbally warn their subordinates not to join in any of the anti-government activities. (In 1988, members of the public service and other personnel also joined in the nationwide protests.)

Military hunts for activists
Since August 30, there have been reports that the military raids homes of activists and their friends; local officials and hotels have been also instructed to look out for the activists and given their names and pictures. Many activists have left their home and gone hiding, including Ma Su Su Nwe, who was the first person to succeed in a forced labour case against the government, for which she was imprisoned (see http://campaigns.ahrchk.net/susunwe/). The AHRC has received a copy of a list of ten persons who are being sought by the police special branch, together with their addresses and the assigned officer.

Pamphlet war in Rangoon
Since protestors began distributing leaflets and putting up posters in Rangoon and some other areas, the authorities have responded by also disturbing leaflets against the current demonstrations. The leaflets have been distributed at night by car around downtown Rangoon, in Kyauktada Township and on Anawratha Road, and accuse the protesters of destabilizing the country. Flyers have also been dropped in front of embassies in Rangoon, warning them not to provide shelter to activists.

OTHER DEVELOPMENTS
Arrested activists go on hunger strikes to demand medical treatment
At least 41 detained activists reportedly went on hunger strikes on 30 August to demand medical treatment for another detainee, Ye Thein Naing, who was beaten during the arrest on August 28 and had his leg broken when he was pushed off a truck. The police reportedly have not given him any treatment.

Official identified as involved in brutal dispersal
The secretary of the Bahan Township Peace and Development Council, U Htun Hla Sein, has been identified as one of the perpetrators who led the brutal dispersal of the demonstration at Hle Dan junction in Kamayut Township on August 28 (The video can be viewed at: http://dvb.cachefly.net/tv/all/su.wmv: Htun Hla Sein is the short-haired big man in glasses with a grey-green shirt and a dark brown-red sarong).

Response from the international community
Almost two weeks after the outbreak of protests, the special envoy of the UN Secretary General on Burma, Professor Ibrahim Gambari, finally spoke about the situation, saying that he still plans to visit the country (according to a previous agenda) to discuss the situation there. He has so far contributed nothing in response to these recent developments.

Various governments have voiced their concerns about the protests and urged the military government to release the political detainees and protesters, but so far this has not led to further intervention of the sort needed at this time. Therefore, we urge all concerned persons to write to and contact key UN officials and representatives of other governments to push for action at this critical juncture in the modern history of Burma, as its people are again demonstrating the depth of courage and commitment they have to bringing an end to military dictatorship there. Please refer to the sample letter in the original appeal for further: UA-260-2007 

Thank you.

Urgent Appeals Programme
Asian Human Rights Commission (ua@ahrchk.org)

Document Type :
Urgent Appeal Update
Document ID :
UP-119-2007
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Extended Introduction: Urgent Appeals, theory and practice

A need for dialogue

Many people across Asia are frustrated by the widespread lack of respect for human rights in their countries.  Some may be unhappy about the limitations on the freedom of expression or restrictions on privacy, while some are affected by police brutality and military killings.  Many others are frustrated with the absence of rights on labour issues, the environment, gender and the like. 

Yet the expression of this frustration tends to stay firmly in the private sphere.  People complain among friends and family and within their social circles, but often on a low profile basis. This kind of public discourse is not usually an effective measure of the situation in a country because it is so hard to monitor. 

Though the media may cover the issues in a broad manner they rarely broadcast the private fears and anxieties of the average person.  And along with censorship – a common blight in Asia – there is also often a conscious attempt in the media to reflect a positive or at least sober mood at home, where expressions of domestic malcontent are discouraged as unfashionably unpatriotic. Talking about issues like torture is rarely encouraged in the public realm.

There may also be unwritten, possibly unconscious social taboos that stop the public reflection of private grievances.  Where authoritarian control is tight, sophisticated strategies are put into play by equally sophisticated media practices to keep complaints out of the public space, sometimes very subtly.  In other places an inner consensus is influenced by the privileged section of a society, which can control social expression of those less fortunate.  Moral and ethical qualms can also be an obstacle.

In this way, causes for complaint go unaddressed, un-discussed and unresolved and oppression in its many forms, self perpetuates.  For any action to arise out of private frustration, people need ways to get these issues into the public sphere.

Changing society

In the past bridging this gap was a formidable task; it relied on channels of public expression that required money and were therefore controlled by investors.  Printing presses were expensive, which blocked the gate to expression to anyone without money.  Except in times of revolution the media in Asia has tended to serve the well-off and sideline or misrepresent the poor.

Still, thanks to the IT revolution it is now possible to communicate with large audiences at little cost.  In this situation there is a real avenue for taking issues from private to public, regardless of the class or caste of the individual.

Practical action

The AHRC Urgent Appeals system was created to give a voice to those affected by human rights violations, and by doing so, to create a network of support and open avenues for action.  If X’s freedom of expression is denied, if Y is tortured by someone in power or if Z finds his or her labour rights abused, the incident can be swiftly and effectively broadcast and dealt with. The resulting solidarity can lead to action, resolution and change. And as more people understand their rights and follow suit, as the human rights consciousness grows, change happens faster. The Internet has become one of the human rights community’s most powerful tools.   

At the core of the Urgent Appeals Program is the recording of human rights violations at a grass roots level with objectivity, sympathy and competence. Our information is firstly gathered on the ground, close to the victim of the violation, and is then broadcast by a team of advocates, who can apply decades of experience in the field and a working knowledge of the international human rights arena. The flow of information – due to domestic restrictions – often goes from the source and out to the international community via our program, which then builds a pressure for action that steadily makes its way back to the source through his or her own government.   However these cases in bulk create a narrative – and this is most important aspect of our program. As noted by Sri Lankan human rights lawyer and director of the Asian Human Rights Commission, Basil Fernando:

"The urgent appeal introduces narrative as the driving force for social change. This idea was well expressed in the film Amistad, regarding the issue of slavery. The old man in the film, former president and lawyer, states that to resolve this historical problem it is very essential to know the narrative of the people. It was on this basis that a court case is conducted later. The AHRC establishes the narrative of human rights violations through the urgent appeals. If the narrative is right, the organisation will be doing all right."

Patterns start to emerge as violations are documented across the continent, allowing us to take a more authoritative, systemic response, and to pinpoint the systems within each country that are breaking down. This way we are able to discover and explain why and how violations take place, and how they can most effectively be addressed. On this path, larger audiences have opened up to us and become involved: international NGOs and think tanks, national human rights commissions and United Nations bodies.  The program and its coordinators have become a well-used tool for the international media and for human rights education programs. All this helps pave the way for radical reforms to improve, protect and to promote human rights in the region.