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INDONESIA EARLY WARNING: Civil Society under siege

May 3, 2001

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ASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION - URGENT APPEALS PROGRAM

04 May 2001

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UA-14-2001: Civil Society under siege

INDONESIA EARLY WARNING - Denial of right to freedom of association and expression, threats to human rights defenders
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Indonesia's new democracy is facing its greatest threat to date.

While the world's attention is on whether President Wahid will stay in office or not some organisations have taken the opportunity to wipe out the main progressive, democracy-building organisations, openly calling it an \"anti-communist\" purge (even though the organisations may be completely unrelated to communism).

Organisations that are being targeted include progressive trade unions, political parties, non-governmental organisations and student movements. Organisations attempting to open investigations into the 1965-66 massacre of well over a million persons (which brought Suharto to power) have been targeted in particular.

These organisations have already closed their offices or are closing them as the \"Anti-Communist Front\" has vowed to destroy their offices and burn their books and documents. The Anti-Communist Front is a new coalition including right wing, religious fundamentalist and militia organisations including:
- Front of Hizbullah
- Front Pembela Islam (FPI/Front of Moslem Defender)
- Ikhwutan Sunnah Waljamaah (lead by Habib Al Absi)
- Pemuda Pancasila (Pancasila Youth - formed by Suharto's Golkar party)
- FKPPI (also formed by Golkar)
- Laskar Merah Putih (lead by Eurico Guterres, famed for his militia massacres in East Timor)

This Front is clearly supported, if not organised by elements of the military and supporters of Suharto (including members of the Golkar party). The Front's activities to date have included:
- book-burnings in Yogyakarta (Central Java)
- burning of NGO office, joint statement with regional government calling for dispersal of Democratic People's Party (PRD), and the suspected disappearance of the local PRD leader in Medan
- public media statements giving an ultimatum for a sweep and purge of communism, with the proclaimed support of the military
- delivery of threats and monitoring of NGO offices in Jakarta

BACKGROUND

After the fall of Suharto in 1998, civil society began rebuilding, and free trade unions, independent NGOs and a variety of political parties emerged. These organisations have created a lot of pressure to reform the political and legal systems created by Suharto including repeal of the 'dual function' (political and military) of the military, the trial of Suharto and investigation into massacres organised by him, the involvement of the military in communal violence, removal of discriminatory legislation, exposing corruption, etc. The military and supporters of Suharto have managed to hold onto power in most spheres, and now that the parliament is in crisis, they have created enough space to try to vilify and close down these progressive organisations that threaten their impunity and power-base.

The fear is that if the action to destroy the offices and break up the organisations is successful it will put Indonesian civil society back to where it was in Suharto's time.

SUGGESTED ACTION

Write to the Chief of Police and the National Human Rights Commission, with a copy to the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders, urging them to investigate this sweep and implement measures to protect the activists and human rights defenders and enable the normal operation of these democratic organisations.

SAMPLE LETTER

Dear Gen. Bimantoro and Mr. Nababan

The formation of a new 'Anti-Communist Front' by right wing and fundamentalist groups whose aim is to wipe out progressive NGOs, trade unions and political parties poses the greatest threat to Indonesian democracy to date.

This Front has already begun burning books (in Yogyakarta) and offices of NGOs (in Medan) and effectively evicting NGO staff from their offices through threats to destroy the offices and stand-over tactics (in Jakarta). The leader of the FNPBI trade union in Medan is also missing and grave fears are held for his safety.

I urge that you act quickly to ensure police protection for the leaders and staff of all affected organisations (including FNPBI, PRD, LMND and SNB) and create conditions to enable the normal operation of the offices of these organisations. I further contend that the newly-established Anti-Communist Front is in fact an anti-democratic body enjoying the support of the some elements in the military and that the National Human Rights Commission and National Police Force have an obligation to oppose their activities in order to maintain democratic freedom in Indonesia.

Yours sincerely
__________________

CC: UN Special Representative on Human Rights Defenders

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SEND LETTERS TO

Gen. Surojo Bimantoro
National Chief of Police
Jl. Trunojoyo
No. 3 Kebayoran Baru
Jakart Selatan
Indonesia
Tel: +(6221) 721 8001
Fax: +(6221) 720 7277
SALUTATION: Dear Gen. Bimantoro

Mr. Asmara Nababan
Secretary General
Komnas HAM
Jl. Latuharhary No. 4B Menteng
Jakarta Pusat
FAX: (62 21) 392 5227
EMAIL: info@komnas.go.id
SALUTATION: Dear Mr. Nababan

SEND A COPY OF YOUR LETTER TO

Ms. Hina Jilani
Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the situation of human rights defenders
c/o OHCHR-UNOG, 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland
Fax: 41 22 917 9006
webadmin.hchr@unog.ch
PLEASE MARK: ATT - SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR HIMA JILANI


Document Type :
Urgent Appeal Case
Document ID :
UA-14-2001-01
Countries :
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Extended Introduction: Urgent Appeals, theory and practice

A need for dialogue

Many people across Asia are frustrated by the widespread lack of respect for human rights in their countries.  Some may be unhappy about the limitations on the freedom of expression or restrictions on privacy, while some are affected by police brutality and military killings.  Many others are frustrated with the absence of rights on labour issues, the environment, gender and the like. 

Yet the expression of this frustration tends to stay firmly in the private sphere.  People complain among friends and family and within their social circles, but often on a low profile basis. This kind of public discourse is not usually an effective measure of the situation in a country because it is so hard to monitor. 

Though the media may cover the issues in a broad manner they rarely broadcast the private fears and anxieties of the average person.  And along with censorship – a common blight in Asia – there is also often a conscious attempt in the media to reflect a positive or at least sober mood at home, where expressions of domestic malcontent are discouraged as unfashionably unpatriotic. Talking about issues like torture is rarely encouraged in the public realm.

There may also be unwritten, possibly unconscious social taboos that stop the public reflection of private grievances.  Where authoritarian control is tight, sophisticated strategies are put into play by equally sophisticated media practices to keep complaints out of the public space, sometimes very subtly.  In other places an inner consensus is influenced by the privileged section of a society, which can control social expression of those less fortunate.  Moral and ethical qualms can also be an obstacle.

In this way, causes for complaint go unaddressed, un-discussed and unresolved and oppression in its many forms, self perpetuates.  For any action to arise out of private frustration, people need ways to get these issues into the public sphere.

Changing society

In the past bridging this gap was a formidable task; it relied on channels of public expression that required money and were therefore controlled by investors.  Printing presses were expensive, which blocked the gate to expression to anyone without money.  Except in times of revolution the media in Asia has tended to serve the well-off and sideline or misrepresent the poor.

Still, thanks to the IT revolution it is now possible to communicate with large audiences at little cost.  In this situation there is a real avenue for taking issues from private to public, regardless of the class or caste of the individual.

Practical action

The AHRC Urgent Appeals system was created to give a voice to those affected by human rights violations, and by doing so, to create a network of support and open avenues for action.  If X’s freedom of expression is denied, if Y is tortured by someone in power or if Z finds his or her labour rights abused, the incident can be swiftly and effectively broadcast and dealt with. The resulting solidarity can lead to action, resolution and change. And as more people understand their rights and follow suit, as the human rights consciousness grows, change happens faster. The Internet has become one of the human rights community’s most powerful tools.   

At the core of the Urgent Appeals Program is the recording of human rights violations at a grass roots level with objectivity, sympathy and competence. Our information is firstly gathered on the ground, close to the victim of the violation, and is then broadcast by a team of advocates, who can apply decades of experience in the field and a working knowledge of the international human rights arena. The flow of information – due to domestic restrictions – often goes from the source and out to the international community via our program, which then builds a pressure for action that steadily makes its way back to the source through his or her own government.   However these cases in bulk create a narrative – and this is most important aspect of our program. As noted by Sri Lankan human rights lawyer and director of the Asian Human Rights Commission, Basil Fernando:

"The urgent appeal introduces narrative as the driving force for social change. This idea was well expressed in the film Amistad, regarding the issue of slavery. The old man in the film, former president and lawyer, states that to resolve this historical problem it is very essential to know the narrative of the people. It was on this basis that a court case is conducted later. The AHRC establishes the narrative of human rights violations through the urgent appeals. If the narrative is right, the organisation will be doing all right."

Patterns start to emerge as violations are documented across the continent, allowing us to take a more authoritative, systemic response, and to pinpoint the systems within each country that are breaking down. This way we are able to discover and explain why and how violations take place, and how they can most effectively be addressed. On this path, larger audiences have opened up to us and become involved: international NGOs and think tanks, national human rights commissions and United Nations bodies.  The program and its coordinators have become a well-used tool for the international media and for human rights education programs. All this helps pave the way for radical reforms to improve, protect and to promote human rights in the region.