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INDIA: 35 Dalit families face a social boycott while the destruction of their burial ground goes unpunished

August 12, 2009

ASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION – URGENT APPEALS PROGRAMME

Urgent Appeal Case: AHRC-UAC-096-2009



12 August 2009
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INDIA: 35 Dalit families face a social boycott while the destruction of their burial ground goes unpunished

ISSUES: Discrimination; caste system; police negligence; right to food
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Dear friends,

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has learned that all the lowest caste (Dalit) families in a Bhavnagar District village are living under boycott conditions, which deny them employment, access to water, the use of village shops or public roads, and any contact with non-Dalits. The boycott was started by Brahmins after Dalits registered a complaint with the police against high caste persons for destroying and stealing from their burial grounds. Twelve out of thirty five families have already had to leave the village.

CASE DETAILS:

According to information received information from Navsarjan, a Gujarat-based NGO, a plot of land was given to the Dalits of Karmadiya village (Karmadiya Village, Mahuva, Bhavnagar) by the local government several years ago to be used as a burial ground. But on 19 April 2009 three Brahmin (highest caste) men were seen taking land from the plot to the agricultural fields; their tractor made approximately 50 trips.

At the Bagdana police station that day fifteen Dalits lodged a complaint against the three men: Bharatbhai Girdharbai Ladhva, Kanubhai Girdharbhai Ladhva and Vallbhbhai Jivabhai Ladhva, but though the police station took the application they refused to register a First Information Report (FIR). This is needed to start legal proceedings. On 23 April Dalit activists arrived in Karmadiya and after hours of petitions, police registered the FIR at 1am.

The next evening the Deputy Superintendent of Police (Dy.SP), Mr. B.D. Rabari arrived in the village to record statements and tried to broker an unofficial compromise. The Dalits refused, preferring to pursue their case in court where their rights are more likely to be vindicated. They also demanded police protection from the Dy SP. One police officer arrived later that night and stayed for two days.

After two meetings were seen taking place – at the home of the Sarpanch (head of the village council), Balashankar Keshubhai Ladhva and another man Kanubhai Girdharbhai Ladhva – the boycott was announced. Non-Dalits were told that they would be fined Rs5000 for making any kind of economic or social contact with the lowest caste members. The Dalits were allegedly told that those who used the public roads would have their legs broken.

Before the boycott, all earning Dalits worked on land owned by Brahmins or Patels and just twenty Dalit families own land (a total of 15 vigas), but these only yield crops for one season each year because of the lack of irrigation. Members of the community are depending on relatives for support and for loans, but children are finding it difficult to get school supplies and other students have started to call them dheda (a derogatory caste-based term). The women worry about the safety of themselves and their daughters, and report feeling vulnerable outside the Dalit area.

The stresses and physical difficulties of life in such a hostile environment has forced twelve families to leave the village, and the others fear that they may soon to follow.

Acts of retaliation, including boycotts and ostracism, often take place when a Dalit makes a legal complaint against a dominant-caste member. It is the responsibility of police to take preventative measures for these, as stated in Section 3 of the Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) (SC/ST) Rules, 1989. These include the immediate arrest of possible perpetrators to prevent reprisals, the immediate provision of police protection (Rules 3(1)(x), 6(2)(iii), 6(2)(iv), and 12(2)(3)), the imposition of a collective fine (16), the removal of anyone likely to commit an offense (SC/ST Act 10), and the denial of bail (SC/ST Act §18). More on this act and the procedures and protections laid out by it can be found in our previous appeals on social boycotts, such as: UAC-095-2009

BACKGROUND INFORMATION:

Since ancient times Indian society has categorised its members into castes. At birth Indians are thrust into a hierarchical world of haves and have-nots, their destiny and human worth determined by family lineage and social custom. Those born into the upper castes, such as the Brahmins or the Darbars, are automatically given the privilege of 'purity'. On the bottom rung, Dalits are considered akin to the dregs of civilization; others avoid physical and social contact with them, rendering them 'untouchable'.

For thousands of years 'untouchables' have conducted the duties of a polluted class, from the delivery of bad news to the handling of excrement and of the dead. Society ensures that there is no dignity in being a Dalit. Seen as second-class human beings in the natural order, opportunities for self-improvement and advancement for the lowest caste are very few.

They are subjected to constant discrimination. Violence committed against them draws less interest or commitment from the authorities, leaving them vulnerable and cut off from the usual mechanisms of justice. The constraints they live with lead to extreme levels of poverty, hunger, squalor and ignorance. The right to grow emotionally, intellectually and even physically is denied them; they essentially live stunted lives. Women face the worst in this patriarchal society, and more often than not the duties that are relegated to the Dalits are given to them.

Legislation has been created to ban Untouchability and protect Dalits, but in practice it is often ignored by the authorities and hampered by the fixed perceptions of social identity, especially in rural areas. Discrimination against Dalits is severely undermining the advancement of a just, modern Indian society

Please take a look at our previous appeal, UAC-095-2009, for more information on the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, plus a detailed look at the state of current laws.

SUGGESTED ACTION:

Please send letters to the authorities listed below expressing your concern in this case. The AHRC will also contact the Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance calling for an intervention in this case.

To support this appeal please click here:

SAMPLE LETTER:

Dear ________,

INDIA: 35 Dalit families face a social boycott while the destruction of their burial ground goes unpunished 

Names of victims:
1. The Dalit community residing in Karmadiya Village (35 families)

Names of alleged perpetrators:
1. Bharatbhai Girdharbai Ladhva (Brahmin)
2. Kanubhai Girdharbhai Ladhva (Brahmin)
3. Vallbhbhai Jivabhai Ladhva (Brahmin)
4. Balashankar Keshubhai Ladhva, Sarpanch (village council head) of Karmadiya village
5. Kanubhai Girdharbhai Ladhva, (Brahmin)
6. Police officers of Bagdana station
All residing at Karmadiya village
As well as the other involved members of the non-Dalit community at Karmadiya Village

Date of incident: 19 to 24 April 2009
Place of incident: Karmadiya Village, Mahuva, Bhavnagar District

I am writing to express my concern about a case of caste-based discrimination against and social boycotting of a Dalit community, as reported from Karmadiya Village, Mahuva, Bhavnagar District. I am informed by Navsarjan, a human rights NGO based in Gujarat, that the entire non-Dalit community in the village is behind the incident.

A social boycott was allegedly put into place after Dalits tried to file charges against three non-Dalits for trespassing onto their burial grounds and stealing soil, causing approximately Rs 50,000 worth of damage. The Dalits were banned from economic or social interaction with non-Dalits and any non-Dalit that breaks the boycott will allegedly be fined 5000 rupees by the wider community. Dalits were told that their legs would be broken if they used public roads.

I am also concerned about the way in which the police handled the case. Officers at Bagdana station initially refused to register a First Information Report (FIR). They finally registered the FIR at 1am on April 24 police after hours of pressure from Dalit activists. The FIR was not written as dictated by the complainants and relevant information was omitted. But most importantly, the social boycott has not been officially recognised by the Social Welfare Department, and so no attempts towards relief, compensation and rehabilitation have been made by the government.

These incidents are clearly in violation of not only the Dalit people’s fundamental human rights, but also of the Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act (1989), the Protection of Civil Rights Act (1955) and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1966), ratified by India in 1968. As was highlighted by the United Nations Committee on Elimination of Racial Discrimination’s report on India in 2007, the practice of Untouchability continues largely unfettered.

I therefore request that:

1. An investigation be ordered into the social boycott practiced against the victims in Karmadiya village by the Social Welfare Office, and the findings made public;
2. If the allegations are true, that the victims be paid appropriate compensation for property damage as well as economic and social rehabilitation, as entitled under the SC/ST Act;
3. A First Information Report (FIR) be immediately registered by a police officer of a rank not below that of the Deputy Superintendent of Police, that includes all relevant and proper sections of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act
4. A proper case be registered under the provisions of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, against the social boycott in particular, against all the accused.
5. The boycott and migration be officially recognized and declared by the Social Welfare Department for as long as necessary;
6. Police protection be provided for as long as necessary;
7. The village Sarpanch (council leader) be suspended immediately.

Yours sincerely,


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PLEASE SEND YOUR LETTERS TO:

1. Secretary of Department of Social Justice and Empowerment
Government of Gujarat
Block No.5, 8th Floor
Sachivalaya
Gandhinagar
Gujarat
INDIA

2. Directorate of Scheduled Caste Welfare
Secretary of Department of Social Justice and Empowerment
Government of Gujarat
Block No.5, 8th Floor
Sachivalaya
Gandhinagar
Gujarat
INDIA

3. Director General of Police
Police Bhawan Sector – 18
Gandhinagar
Gujarat 382 009
INDIA
Fax: + 91 177 23253918

4. Minister of Social Justice and Empowerment
Government of India
Shastri Bhawan
Dr Rajendra Prasad Road
New Delhi - 110 001
INDIA
Fax + 91 11 23384918

5. Chairperson
National Human Rights Commission
Faridkot House, Copernicus Marg
New Delhi 110001
INDIA
Fax + 91 11 2338 6521
E-mail: chairnhrc@nic.in

6. Chairperson
National Commission for Scheduled Castes
5th Floor
Lok Nayak Bhawan
Khan Market
New Delhi 110 003
INDIA
E-mail: jointsecretary-ncsc@nic.in or chairman-ncsc@nic.in

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Thank you.
Urgent Appeals Programme
Asian Human Rights Commission (ua@ahrc.asia)


Document Type :
Urgent Appeal Case
Document ID :
AHRC-UAC-096-2009
Countries :
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Extended Introduction: Urgent Appeals, theory and practice

A need for dialogue

Many people across Asia are frustrated by the widespread lack of respect for human rights in their countries.  Some may be unhappy about the limitations on the freedom of expression or restrictions on privacy, while some are affected by police brutality and military killings.  Many others are frustrated with the absence of rights on labour issues, the environment, gender and the like. 

Yet the expression of this frustration tends to stay firmly in the private sphere.  People complain among friends and family and within their social circles, but often on a low profile basis. This kind of public discourse is not usually an effective measure of the situation in a country because it is so hard to monitor. 

Though the media may cover the issues in a broad manner they rarely broadcast the private fears and anxieties of the average person.  And along with censorship – a common blight in Asia – there is also often a conscious attempt in the media to reflect a positive or at least sober mood at home, where expressions of domestic malcontent are discouraged as unfashionably unpatriotic. Talking about issues like torture is rarely encouraged in the public realm.

There may also be unwritten, possibly unconscious social taboos that stop the public reflection of private grievances.  Where authoritarian control is tight, sophisticated strategies are put into play by equally sophisticated media practices to keep complaints out of the public space, sometimes very subtly.  In other places an inner consensus is influenced by the privileged section of a society, which can control social expression of those less fortunate.  Moral and ethical qualms can also be an obstacle.

In this way, causes for complaint go unaddressed, un-discussed and unresolved and oppression in its many forms, self perpetuates.  For any action to arise out of private frustration, people need ways to get these issues into the public sphere.

Changing society

In the past bridging this gap was a formidable task; it relied on channels of public expression that required money and were therefore controlled by investors.  Printing presses were expensive, which blocked the gate to expression to anyone without money.  Except in times of revolution the media in Asia has tended to serve the well-off and sideline or misrepresent the poor.

Still, thanks to the IT revolution it is now possible to communicate with large audiences at little cost.  In this situation there is a real avenue for taking issues from private to public, regardless of the class or caste of the individual.

Practical action

The AHRC Urgent Appeals system was created to give a voice to those affected by human rights violations, and by doing so, to create a network of support and open avenues for action.  If X’s freedom of expression is denied, if Y is tortured by someone in power or if Z finds his or her labour rights abused, the incident can be swiftly and effectively broadcast and dealt with. The resulting solidarity can lead to action, resolution and change. And as more people understand their rights and follow suit, as the human rights consciousness grows, change happens faster. The Internet has become one of the human rights community’s most powerful tools.   

At the core of the Urgent Appeals Program is the recording of human rights violations at a grass roots level with objectivity, sympathy and competence. Our information is firstly gathered on the ground, close to the victim of the violation, and is then broadcast by a team of advocates, who can apply decades of experience in the field and a working knowledge of the international human rights arena. The flow of information – due to domestic restrictions – often goes from the source and out to the international community via our program, which then builds a pressure for action that steadily makes its way back to the source through his or her own government.   However these cases in bulk create a narrative – and this is most important aspect of our program. As noted by Sri Lankan human rights lawyer and director of the Asian Human Rights Commission, Basil Fernando:

"The urgent appeal introduces narrative as the driving force for social change. This idea was well expressed in the film Amistad, regarding the issue of slavery. The old man in the film, former president and lawyer, states that to resolve this historical problem it is very essential to know the narrative of the people. It was on this basis that a court case is conducted later. The AHRC establishes the narrative of human rights violations through the urgent appeals. If the narrative is right, the organisation will be doing all right."

Patterns start to emerge as violations are documented across the continent, allowing us to take a more authoritative, systemic response, and to pinpoint the systems within each country that are breaking down. This way we are able to discover and explain why and how violations take place, and how they can most effectively be addressed. On this path, larger audiences have opened up to us and become involved: international NGOs and think tanks, national human rights commissions and United Nations bodies.  The program and its coordinators have become a well-used tool for the international media and for human rights education programs. All this helps pave the way for radical reforms to improve, protect and to promote human rights in the region.