Professor M. Shahiduzzaman
Department of International Relations
University of Dhaka
(Prof. M. Shahiduzzaman teaches international security and foreign policy at the Department of International Relations, University of Dhaka. He is known as an observer and commentator of regional dynamics of the foreign affairs from South Asian and Asian perspectives.)
Article 2: As a Professor, four decades after independence do you think that the promises made at the time of constituting Bangladesh as an independent democratic state has been met?
Professor M. Shahiduzzaman: Right now, we are neither independent in qualitative terms, nor as a democratic State. Bangladesh has been thrust into the status of a puppet state under Indian dictation.
Article 2: What is the actual status of the ‘separation of power’ and ensuring the ‘independence of judiciary’ as one of the three basic pillars of the state in Bangladesh?
Professor M. Shahiduzzaman: Too sensitive to respond.
Article 2: Is there any inconsistency between the aspiration of the people of Bangladesh with that of the political elite and the bureaucracy?
Professor M. Shahiduzzaman: Not only inconsistency, there is formidable contradiction between people’s aspirations with that of the political elite and the bureaucracy. Majority of the people appear to reject elite perceptions of political values.
Article 2: To what extent has militarisation contributed to making Bangladesh what it is today? Could it have been different without militarisation?
Professor M. Shahiduzzaman: I cannot relate militarization to the present political situation. Rather the creation of politicized foreign-aided cadres in vital institutions is responsible.
Article 2: What are the challenges in realizing the independence of judiciary in its fullest sense in Bangladesh?
Professor M. Shahiduzzaman: Financial autonomy and professionalism. Removing all executive roles in appointment to judicial positions in higher courts, neutralization of the Law Ministry and limiting its power.
Article 2: What is your opinion about endemic custodial torture, extrajudicial execution, and the government’s often quoted excuses of ‘crossfire’ and ‘gun battles’?
Professor M. Shahiduzzaman: No comment.
Article 2: What is the difference between disappearances and
‘secret killings’ that happened before and during the independence movement and that which happens today?
Professor M. Shahiduzzaman: These are beyond my academic interests.
Article 2: How far are the criminal justice institutions and the Supreme Court of Bangladesh independent and capable enough to prevent gross human rights abuses?
Professor M. Shahiduzzaman: Reasonably free if they are actually willing to act.
Article 2: To what extent has the judiciary contributed towards limiting its own freedom and independence?
Professor M. Shahiduzzaman: As much as it is reflected in
other developing societies.
Article 2: Do you think that the criminal justice institutions in Bangladesh have become puppets under various political parties and the military?
Professor M. Shahiduzzaman: It is inappropriate to be so harsh.
Article 2: What divides the mainstream civil society in Bangladesh along political alliances and how far has it affected their independence?
Professor M. Shahiduzzaman: Political values divide them. That is an independent choice.
Article 2: Do you think that the human rights organizations of Bangladesh are playing their roles what they should have done in principle?
Professor M. Shahiduzzaman: More or less.
Article 2: Is the global paranoia about growing Islamic militancy in Bangladesh true?
Professor M. Shahiduzzaman: More of a propaganda.
Article 2: Are there non-Bangladeshi interests that are involved in promoting this image?
Professor M. Shahiduzzaman: Certainly – Indian media and the government are the real culprits.
Article 2: To improve the situation of rule of law in Bangladesh what suggestions do you have, and how could leaders motivate the ordinary people to participate in actual nation-building?
Professor M. Shahiduzzaman: Proper parliamentary elections under a caretaker government and thorough and neutral overhaul of corruption and trials.
