(Editor’s note: The mission was conducted by the Asia Monitor Resource Centre, Hong Kong • Asian Labour Study Group, The School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, UK • Asian Human Rights Commission, Hong Kong • Center for Trade Union and Human Rights, Philippines • Korean Confederation of Trade Union, South Korea • Korean House for International Solidarity, South Korea • Oxfam Solidarity Belgium • Serve People Association, Taiwan)
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The garment industry has been the chief engine of the Cambodian economy for the past two decades since its establishment in 1994. However, garment workers still account for a large part of the country’s working poor. The minimum wage for garment workers has been rising slower than productivity increases and the price inflation of certain daily necessities, thereby yielding negative real wage increases. Workers were universally unhappy about the quality of life in general and the minimum wage in particular. To maintain basic livelihoods, they must work increasingly more overtime, to the point of exhaustion and beyond as seen in the mass fainting at work of more than 4,000 garment workers in the past two years. On December 24th 2013, despite the workers’ demands to increase the minimum wage to US$ 160, the Labour Advisory Committee (LAC) of Cambodia announced its decision to increase the minimum wage from US$ 80 to US$ 95 a month by April 2014. It also outlined a plan to increase the wages to US$ 160 by 2018. Representatives from six major labour federations and confederations rejected the LACplan and called for a general strike, demanding an immediate rise in the living wage to US$ 160, which was consistent with the Ministry of Labour’s assessment of the minimum wage of US$ 157-177 a month to survive in Cambodia in 2013. The government decision triggered workers’ demonstrations that same afternoon of December 24th and led to a massive protest by the majority of workers over the next few days.
The peaceful strike on December 29th was the largestprotest. Many different groups participated in the strike together with garment workers and labour groups including Boeung Kak Lake activists, a group of monks, tuk-tuk drivers, domestic workers, street vendors, and civil servants. All the while the number of demonstrators increased as the general public joined and supported the protest. A major feature of this strike was that it was a ‘self-generated strike’ by rank-and-file workers almost unanimously supporting the demand to raise the minimum wage. Employers and the government took increasingly aggressive steps to bring the strikes under control, but the strikes and mass rallies continued until December 31st. On December 31st, the Ministry of Labour announced a slightly modified proposal to increase the minimum wage to US$ 100but protests continued; workers marched to the Council of Ministers where they were met with barbed wire roadblocks and riot police. Tensions were building between the workers and the authorities.
Between January 2nd and 3rd 2014, the authorities violently suppressed the protests. Numerous media reports, workers, and witnesses confirmed the excessive use of brutal force by the police and armed forces that killed at least four workers and severely injured at least 38 other workers and supporters. One person remains missing and is presumed dead. The authorities also arrested 23 workers and to date 21 of them remain in detention. Many workers and witnesses have reported that the security forces started the violent clash with strikers. Support, protest actions and solidarity messages have flooded in from labour rights groups and labour unions across the world expressing outrage at the brutal repression.
The demand of Cambodian workers to lift the minimum wage to US$ 160 is fair and reasonable, as their real wages have been stagnant despite their tremendous contribution to Cambodia’s economic growth. The ineffective response of the Labour Advisory Committee in meeting this demand has compelled the majority of workers to strike and protest. The disproportionate use of force by the government to suppress theselegitimate protests demonstrate that the government is more concerned with protecting the interests and profits of the employers of the Garment Manufacturers Association of Cambodia than protecting the workers’ rights to a decent living wage, freedom of association and other basic human rights.
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IV. INCIDENTS AND THE CRACKDOWN
Amid growing tensions, January 1st2014 dawned without protests. Despite the Ministry of Labour’s call for workers to get back to work by January 2nd, the strikes were to continue into the New Year. In the meantime, the CNRP was encouraging garment workers to join its third nation-wide protest on January 5th. On the morning of January 2nd, all eight unions involved in the strike confirmed at a press conference that the strike was not over and striking workers would get full support from the union federations. Meanwhile, many workers did not go to work and were mobilising gatherings in industrial zones instead. This time, the government changed gears and took a heavy-handed approach. A special army unit, police and military police were deployed to stop workers’ protests. It turned out to be the trigger for violent clashes between strikers and armed forces.
In front of Yakjin on the morning ofJanuary 2nd 2014
The first clash occurred in front of Yakjin (Cambodia) Inc., a Korean and US-owned company located in the Pursenchey district of Phnom Penh. Almost all of 2,800 Yakjin workers, including members of C.CAWDU, had participated in the strike since December 25th 2013. Only about 50 to200 workers were still working during the strike, said one Yakjin worker interviewed on January 15th. On January 2nd, some workers returned to work while others continued to strike. At around 9AM, striking workers from Yakjin and nearby factories were demonstrating outside the factory, encouraging workers inside to join the strike. Many workers inside the factory were eager to join but were unable to, as the gate was locked and guarded, said a Yakjin worker. It was when a few workers tried to open the gate to talk to workers inside, that the Paratrooper Special Forces Brigade 911 (whose Head Commander is Chap Pheakadey, a three-star general) intervened. It was the first time that striking workers faced army intervention.
The base of Brigade 911 is adjacent to the Yakjin factory building, and witnesses state that the base is directly connected to the factory through a single door and that the company provides electricity to the base. It is also known that the company has a special relationship with this brigade. A Yakjin worker, interviewed on January 15th, testified that some former soldiers of Brigade911 were currently working for Yakjin. A Korean newspaper, the Kyunghyang Daily reported on January 5ththat the employer of Yakjin (Cambodia) Inc. ‘called for the army’s intervention using his personal relationship with army personnel’.1The intervention was needed ‘because the factory was forced to suspend production due to the strikers’ and ‘the police were not very responsive’, according to a telephone interview with the Korean Embassy in Phnom Penh.2
“The soldiers are working as private security guards at Yakjin factory. Half of their salary is paid by the government and the other half by the factory.” (A former soldier of Brigade 911 interviewed on January 16th 2014).
At around 9:30AM, about 50 soldiers from the brigade beat up workers who were trying to open the gate and arrested three wounded workers from a Taiwan-owned footwear factory Sky Nice located on the National Road No. 4. The news about the clash and arrests reached union organisers and strikers in the area, attracting a bigger crowd in front of Yakjin. More soldiers armed with AK-47 rifles appeared at the scene and confronted the crowd. At around 10AM, a team of union organisers including Vorn Pao, President of IDEA, arrived at the scene to support the workers in their negotiations with the company. Upon their arrival, the team was struck by what they saw: almost 100 soldiers from the 911 brigade were guarding the Yakjin factory in a stand-off against about 600 workers. Vorn Pao therefore decided to call the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and human rights organisations for additional support. Later, two UN officers arrived and began to negotiate with the army for the release of the three arrested workers. A commander of the 911 brigade, Chap Sophorn, was also present at the scene. Many journalists came as well. When the negotiations failed, the UN officers came out of the factory.
A while after, soldiers provoked the workers by throwing an empty water bottle at them, which was the start of an escalation of violence. When the bottle hit a worker, other workers shouted at the soldiers, who then threw more plastic bottles at the workers. Workers threw the bottles back at the soldiers. When they found no more bottles, workers began to throw stones at the soldiers, who threw them back at the workers. The army also used slingshots. Finally, the soldiers charged at the workers with electric batons at around 12PM.
The workers fled the charge in all different directions, but not everyone managed to escape. Some tried to hide in nearby houses and shops. Vorn Pao escaped to a nearby coffee house but was arrested, dragged out and severely beaten up by a few soldiers. Two journalists (one Australian and one Cambodian) and several monks were also beaten. The UN representatives, still at the scene, tried to stop the beating. When they took pictures, the soldiers confiscated their camera. The coordinator of the Coalition of Cambodian Farmers Community (CCFC), Theng Savoeun, tried to help Vorn Pao but to no avail. Thengwas also beaten and arrested. A witness described the moment of violence:
“When the army charged towards the workers, I went into a coffee shop near Yakjin, trying to hide. Vorn Pao stood close to the coffee shop as well. A soldier pointed at Vorn Pao and said that he was the leader of the workers. Vorn Pao then came into the coffee shop to escape but there was no back door in the coffee shop. Soldiers followed Vorn Pao and caught him in the coffee shop. They dragged him out and started beating him heavily. UN representatives tried to stop the beating but the soldiers did not care and took away their cameras. The coffee shop owner witnessed it. The soldiers tried to find more workers. The owner told soldiers that there were no more workers hiding in the shop. So they did not find me. There were around 10 women workers in the coffee shop too. A woman was
hit hard on her head by the soldiers. The head injury was bad and she was bleeding.”
(A witness interviewed on January 15th2014).
A total of ten workers and activists were beaten and arrested by soldiers in front of Yakjin on January 2nd, including the workers who had been arrested in the morning. Five monks were also arrested and detained in the army base, but they were released the next morning. After the arrests were made, the army went back to guarding Yakjin, standing in front of the gate. The soldiers kept provoking the workers by telling them loudly that the workers could come closer again if they were brave enough. The workers stayed nearby and did not leave. At around 3:30 PM, around 1,000 supporters gathered and blocked National Road No.4 (Russian Boulevard), demanding the release of those arrested. At around 6:30 PM they marched to Phnom Penh Special Economic Zone. No information about the arrests was released by authorities till 6 PM.
Other violent clashes were developing in the Canadia Industrial Zone on Veng Sreng Road on the same day. This could mean that the actions of the security forces were planned, rather than a reaction to violence initiated by workers. Indeed, the events on Veng Sreng Road proved to be the result of deliberate provocation of the security forces.
On Veng Sreng Road, late afternoon and evening of January 2nd 2014
The violence started when military police attacked the striking workers who were dancing in front of Canadia Bank on Veng Sreng Road. The dancing was one of the protest events and meant to encourage more workers to join the strike. At around 3 PM the military police arrived at the scene in two military trucks. The military asked the workers to disperse. The workers agreed and told the police that they would finish the event after two more songs. Meanwhile, some workers at the scene called the CLC for help as they saw the military coming into the area, said one worker from the Canadia Zone, (interview on January16th). According to eyewitnesses, the military police ignored the workers’ requests and soon began to beat up workers indiscriminately, including women workers. The workers ran away in fear and tried to enter the Canadia Zone, but the security guards locked the gate so that the workers were trapped and could not escape to the zone. It was at this time that the workers began to pick up stones and throw them at the soldiers to hold them off. Soldiers picked them up and threw them back at the workers. It was then already around 4 PM.
“While the policemen were beating me with their stick, I pleaded with them to stop beating me. They kept on beating and pushed me hard. I nearly lost consciousness. I told them, “Sir, if you keep on beating me, I might die.”
(A worker at the Canadia Industrial Zone, interviewed on January 15th 2014)
Once the workers fought back, the military police could not get very close to them. Workers started to set up roadblocks with old tires. Then someone brought gasoline and bottles. At the beginning there were only plastic water bottles. People put petrol in those bottles and threw them onto the tires to set them on fire. But later these bottles were also used to prepare Molotov cocktails. It is not clear, according to eyewitnesses, who initiated the tire barricades and brought materials for Molotov cocktails as it happened quickly in a very chaotic situation. The workers were very ‘angry and at the same time very vulnerable’ because ‘the army had all the gear and guns and the workers had only stones’, said one of the workers from the Canadia Zone interviewed on January 16th. They wanted to protect themselves and began to prepare those bottles and road blocks. The clash between workers and the military with stones being thrown on both sides lasted until around 1 AM in the night.
On Veng Sreng Road, early morning on January 3rd 2014
At this time the workers were occupying Veng Sreng Road, when the military police surrounded the area, then advanced on the protestors from all different directions.
Many residents in the area heard gunshot sounds at around 1AM and said the shooting continued until 2:30 AM, although it stopped from time to time during that period. When the shooting started, workers living in nearby multi-story accommodation fled to the roofs or the upper stories of the buildings and cheered on the workers in the street below. Sporadic clashes continued until early in the morning. The army also used smoke grenades and some workers fainted. Some workers also ran into the buildings and continued to shout at the military from the 2ndand 3rd floors.
“Many workers got injured on January 2nd. It was cruel. The workers were beaten by the police with some ‘electric bars’. Many workers were knocked unconscious and the police just threw them into the truck. We think this is not acceptable, so we decided to join the strike on 3 January 3rd.”
(An injured worker at Canadia Industrial Zone, interviewed on January 15th 2014)
In the early morning, some of the workers got angry with the guards of Canadia Zone as they locked the gate to prevent workers from entering the zone to hide, and in their anger the workers burned a guard’s motorbike.
At around 7 AM, workers gathered in groups in front of the factories in the Canadia Zone but did not go into the factories. They were ‘all angry as the news about last night’s violent crackdown was spreading among the workers’, said a worker from the Canadia Zone interviewed onJanuary 16th. Later some workers destroyed the sliding gate of the Canadia Zone. They dragged it to Veng Sreng Road and set fire to it with gasoline at around 8 AM. Up to this point, the motorbike of the security guard and the gate of the zone were the only private properties that were destroyed by the workers. Still in the early morning the workers also began to reinforce the road blocks. At around 8:30 AM, some workers again threw bottled petrol onto the burning tires located between Huy Chen factory and the Canadia Bank on Veng Sreng Road. Residents of the area were not angry at the striking workers. They even provided the workers with some packs of rice and water. People from a nearby school also brought water to them.
On Veng Sreng Road, late morning on January 3rd
At around 9 AM, the army approached from two different directions. A group of soldiers moved from the Canadia Zone to Huy Chen (a six-storey factory) and another group of soldiers moved from north to south toward Veng Sreng Road. When the workers found the soldiers approaching, they began to throw stones. There were around 500 workers at the beginning of this, but some soon ran away and the number was reduced to around 300. The military started firing in the air, and many workers got scared and dropped the stones. Only a few workers continued to confront them, while many more ran and hid. The military began to shoot at protesters again between 9:10 and 9:20 AM. “When the workers who were hiding tried to stick their heads out to see what was going on, the army did not hesitate to shoot at them’, said a worker from the Canadia Zone, interviewed on January16th). Some workers occasionally threw stones at the soldiers, but no more molotov cocktails were used. Many workers were hiding in their rented rooms located in a small alley between the Canadia Industrial Zone Market and Canadia Bank. The army shot at the doors of workers’ houses randomly. About 50 workers were hiding in those rooms and about 100 workers were hiding in the three-storey apartment building next to the rooms. [See picture 3] Between 10:30 and 11AM, a worker was found lying in Veng Sreng Road. He seemed dead according to an eyewitness. When he was shot was not clear. But he was ‘abandoned’ there, said a worker from the Canadia Zone, interviewed onJanuary 16th).
“At around 10 AM I saw a worker get shot and some of us were trying to pull him out. We tried to call an ambulance but it was denied because the roads were blocked. No ambulance or emergency unit could access us. We pulled out the injured to put on the side of the road near a bank at the corner of the Canadia Industrial Zone. At that time the sound of guns shooting was coming closer and closer. Many people closed their doors and their shops, except one house that was still open. We pulled the injured into that house.”
(A woman worker in the Canadia Industrial Zone, interviewed on January 16th 2014)
Some soldiers were standing around the body so that no one could see it clearly. No one could take a picture of him. Workers saw that two military trucks were approaching the area and the body was then thrown into the military truck. The person was not moving and seemed dead or unconscious. In the truck, there were some workers who had been captured by the military. It was between 12 and 1 PM. From 11AM, the army began to indiscriminately beat anyone appearing on the street, so workers could not go out. However, whenever soldiers were not seen, some workers still came out to Veng Sreng Road. Between 11 AM and 12 PM, a group of around 10 workers came on motorbikes and set up six barricades with pieces of wood and tires. The army were patrolling the surrounding areas and were not at the scene. Some workers from neighbouring houses were looking at them, but they were not participating in the action. After setting up the barricades, that group drove away. There were six of them every 100 meters. One was set up between Huy Chen factory and the gate of the Canadia Zone.
According to an eyewitness, between 11 AM and 12 PM some people carried out an injured man and left him at the doorstep of the Independent Clinic. He was left there alone. The military were around but did not pay attention to him. When he was seen the first time, he was still moving. But later on, he was not. Once the military moved away, two members of the clinic staff came out and checked him, then went back inside, leaving him at the doorstep. Someone then shouted that there was an injured worker at the gate of the clinic. Some people approached him and took him away on a motorbike. The workers became very angry at the clinic staff as they did not want to treat the workers. Once the military retreated, some workers looted the clinic in revenge, breaking windows with stones. They carried out equipment, and bed mattresses, as well as medicines and burned them on the street. Workers in the neighbourhood came out to observe what was going on whenever the military retreated. Workers went back into their houses to hide whenever the military passed through the area.
After 1 PM, the military police pointed a gun at a UN vehicle to stop it from entering the area. The vehicle stopped at the spot and observed. Some workers on the roof of an apartment were trying to look out. The soldiers threw stones at them and workers threw bottles at the soldiers. Then, the owner of the apartment opened the door to let the soldiers in. Witnesses heard six to seven gunshots from inside the building after the soldiers went in. The soldiers shot at the doors of buildings where workers could be hiding and beat them up if they found any. It was around 1:30 PM when the last gunshot was heard on the day.
On Veng Sreng Road, afternoon of January 3rd
At around 2 PM, the army marched into the area and asked the neighbours to get back in their houses. About 100 soldiers were there. More than 20 military trucks were seen entering the area. The soldiers threatened the residents at gunpoint if they tried to take pictures. The soldiers told the residents to get back in their houses otherwise “they would get shot”, said a worker from the Canadia Zone, interviewed on January 16th 2014). After that, many female workers packed their belongings to leave for their hometowns. When they came out to do so, the soldiers told them it was a good idea. The male workers were still hiding.
Another group of soldiers came from the east and joined other soldiers around the Canadia Zone gate. Then the soldiers marched to the east, dragging one captured man. His hands were tied behind his back and he was wearing only his underwear. He was beaten badly and bleeding. This incident was witnessed by a worker from the 3rd floor of the worker’s apartment building. (A worker from the Canadia Zone interviewed on January 16th 2014). From around 2 PM, there were no more conflicts and protests. The street was very quiet. Many workers who had witnessed the violent crackdown felt overwhelmed and shocked. To many workers, it was the first time to see such a thing. They were ‘in nervous shock’ and at the same time ‘very worried about their friends and colleagues’, said one worker from the Canadia Zone, interviewed onJanuary 16th 2014).
“I never experienced this kind of violence before. My parents told me about the Pol Pot regime, but I feel that this is worse than that, because they said that during Pol Pot they asked you before they shot you. Now those people, who are more educated, they kill who they want to kill. We have no weapons or anything to respond to them. I thought I was going to be killed at any time.”
(A worker, Canadia Industrial Zone, interviewed on January 16th 2014)
In front of the Phnom Penh court, early afternoon on January 3rd 2014
While the bloody crackdown on Veng Sreng Road was ending, IDEA, other unions and human right activists held a protest in front of the Phnom Penh First Instance Court where the authorities had brought the 10 people arrested at Yakjin, after spending the night in the army detention centre. Later Vorn Pao reported that the police beat him on the way to the court and that he received no treatment for his injuries. He asked for a doctor but his request was refused. It was only in the court that he obtained assistance from a doctor and lawyer provided by LICADHO, a human rights NGO. While the protesters were demonstrating at the court, they heard that the situation at the Canadia Industrial Zone was very serious. At 2 PM, the military police started violently dispersing people in the demonstration in front of the court. Two tuk-tuks were damaged by military policemen using iron pipes. The protest at the court finished at around 2 PM.
The Aftermath
The next day it became clear that 13 more protesters were arrested with excessive use of force. The protesters had seen numerous people getting injured or even killed; but the exact numbers were still very unclear.
On January 4th 2014, the unions met in emergency meetings to discuss future plans. Meanwhile, the CNRP supporters and workers in Freedom Park were attacked by private militia. The two leaders of the CNRP, the CCU president Rong Chhun and the C.CAWDU president Ath Thorn were summoned by the court to explain their role in the incidents. From January 4th, Phnom Penh was full of military police officers and roadblocks. The Phnom Penh Municipal Government and the Ministry of Interior announced a ban on public assembly of more than nine people. Five female Beoung Kak Lake activists were arrested during a protest demanding the release of those arrested during the strike. The women activists were released in the evening.
In the Canadia Zone, soldiers were guarding the gates of the big factories after the incident. Soldiers were also seen on Veng Sreng Road. The presence of the military scared people in the area; commuters were warned by soldiers not to travel along Veng Sreng Road. From January 3rd onwards, shop owners moved their products to other safer places and only resumed their business on January 7thor 8th. About half of the workers in the neighbourhood took leave and went back to their hometowns. Many did not come back for some time as there was a rumour that the military would come back to arrest people on January 14th. Workers were scared. Many workers did not go back to work and those who did were very fearful.
“Looking back on the experience, I am still hopeful because I saw that the power of workers was strong. But the violent crackdown by the military is very discouraging. I want to demand US$160 minimum wage. But the fear was just overwhelming. People got arrested and unionists were put in prison. No one takes responsibility for it. Fear is overwhelming. It is painful to watch. Workers were demanding the minimum wage. For that, they are now dead and in prison. The TV and other media portray the workers as if they are criminals. They show only one angle of the story. They show workers throwing stones at the military and wounded soldiers. They only focus on those things. We are in fear and we lost our friends. We could not get what we wanted. And how come we are responsible for everything? Why should we be blamed for everything? When I returned to the city on January 8th, a worker who shared a taxi with me told me that she did not come back to the city to work. She came back to get her wages and then wanted to go back home to her village. This will affect not only garment workers but also many families relying on the income of garment workers”.
(A garment worker from a Taiwanese-owned factory, interviewed on January 16th 2014)
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VIII. CONCLUSION
Thanks to the testimonies and honest accounts of all the interviewees, the fact-finding team was able to gain an understanding of the workers’ perspective of the events that occurred between December 2013 and January 2014. Through the detailed interviews, the fact-finding team identified the main drivers behind the workers’ protest, established the sequence of events during and after the protests and assess who is responsible for the workers’ suffering as a result of the violent incidents. What also became clear from the different accounts was that the repression and the violence witnessed by the workers was unprecedented—something that the young Cambodian workers had never seen or experienced before, despite having grown up in a country with a history of violence. It has left them visibly scarred and scared, and many struggled even to talk about the events, revealing an atmosphere of fear that continues to exist even now. The main conclusions of the fact-finding team are presented below in three statements.
Poverty wages and dismal working conditions drove workers to protest
The strike and the protests were driven by the severe socioeconomic hardship workers face as the result of low wages and long working hours. Due to inflation, workers experienced a substantial net loss in wages over the last decade. This was exacerbated in 2013 following peaks in food, fuel and housing prices. Working in fixed-duration employment arrangements–now the norm–has further contributed to a loss in benefits, making it harder for the garment workers to make ends meet and support their families. Most workers interviewed expressed that they could not continue to work and live under such conditions. Their testimonies demonstrate that they understood their situation to be unjust and intolerable.
Lack of democratic space to address workers’ concerns
The process and outcomes of the December 2013 wage negotiations undertaken by the tripartite Labour Advisory Committee(LAC) demonstrated the inadequacy of this committee to fairly represent the workers’ interests and the lack of neutrality of the government. The workers’ demands for a minimum wage of US$ 160 a month was based on the results of a survey commissioned by the LAC. Although a minimum wage for a decent standard of living is provided for in Cambodian Law,3 the LAC has consistently failed to take the interests of the workers into account. In fact, during the December 2013 wage negotiations—as was the case during the 2010 wage review—no real dialogue between the workers’ representatives, the government and the employers took place. The failure of this process can be attributed to the uneven composition of the LAC, which consists of representatives from the MOL, an employers’ association (GMAC) that is openly hostile to independent trade unions and a high number of pro-government trade union federations.
Faced with deteriorating and intolerable employment and living conditions, and an ineffectual administration that does not effectively address their grievances, workers felt that they had no choice but to undertake strike actions and protests, in this case even before union leaders called for them.
The violent repression of workers’ protests causing deaths was unprecedented, excessive and unnecessary causing a Human Rights Emergency
The violent attacks on unarmed protestors, which included beating them mercilessly, were carried out at times in the presence of the UN representatives, showing not only the complete disregard of the government towards protecting the human rights of its citizens, but also indicates that the Cambodian government prioritises the interests of the employers and the garment industry over the protection of the workers’ human and labour rights.
In the period prior to December 29th 2013, the employers and the government attempted to quell the strike and protests through various means, such as encouraging workers to stay or return to work by providing incentives or by threatening the workers, activists, union leaders and their families.
At the industrial zones where the violence erupted in January 2014, eyewitnesses stated that the military attacked the protesters with weapons, at which point the protesters resorted to acts of violence and public disorder in retaliation. The conflict later escalated with the military attacking and firing indiscriminately at the protesters, leading to the tragic deaths and dozens severely injured.
The government used particularly brutal means to repress the workers’ protests in January 2014. The GMAC is known to have pressured the government to take more aggressive action to quell the protests so production could resume and losses to business mitigated. Some interviewees were of the opinion that the government took swift action because it feared that more supporters would have joined the protests and the opposition party would co-opt some unions into their own movement.
The Cambodian government continues to violate the rights of the workers, as evidenced by the ongoing harassment, discrimination and arbitrary detention of activists and union leaders, the civil and criminal cases brought against union leaders for legitimate strike actions, and the banning of public gatherings.
1 The Kyunghyang Daily, 5th January 2014. http://news.khan.co.kr/kh_ news/khan_art_view.html?artid=201401052116375
2 The Kyunghyang Daily, 5 January 2014, http://news.khan.co.kr/kh_news/ khan_art_view.html?artid=201401052116375.
3 See Cambodian Constitution and in Articles 104 and 107 of Cambodia’s Labour Law, which state that “[the minimum wage] must ensure every worker of a decent standard of living compatible with human dignity”, and that minimum wage should take into consideration “the needs of workers and their families in relation to the general level of salary in the country, the cost of living, social security allowances”.
